Sigrun Marie Moss

Practicing responsibility in business schools : Implications for teaching, research, and innovation s. 145-163 Doi: https://doi.org/10.4337/9781035313174.00018

Scientific Data 10(1) Doi: https://doi.org/10.1038/s41597-022-01896-0

European Journal of Social Psychology 53(6) s. 1098-1013 Doi: https://doi.org/10.1002/ejsp.2954

Internasjonal Politikk 81(1) s. 26-37 Doi: https://doi.org/10.23865/intpol.v81.4142

Utnevnelsen av Ine Eriksen Søreide i 2017 var et historisk første: Norges første kvinnelige utenriksminister. For merkevaren Norge var dette viktig: Det viste likestilling i praksis, ikke bare som gode intensjoner. I norsk utenrikspolitikk har fredsengasjementet derimot hatt forrang. Det kom også fram under sikkerhets-rådskampanjen i 2018 ledet av Søreide, som ellers i hennes periode som norsk utenriksminister. Faktisk kom høyrepolitikeren i liten grad til å avvike fra en vel-kjent linje i utenrikspolitikken ved å fremstå som en forsiktig statsfeminist. I tråd med denne linjen er Norge likestillingslandet når det tjener landets omdømme og internasjonale betydning, ellers er Norge fredsnasjonen først og fremst.

Gender Equality and Nation Branding in the Nordic Region s. 1-12 Doi: https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003017134

Routledge Doi: https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003017134

This book explores how gender equality, a central part of the Nordic imaginary, is used in the political communication of Nordic states. The analyses presented move beyond conventional images and discourses of Nordic gender- and women-friendliness by critically investigating how and to what extent gender equality serves nation-branding in the Nordic region. Nation-branding is an unescapable part of globalisation, which is a market-oriented process dominated by the West and predicated on the creation of winners and losers. Hence, efforts to strengthen the national brand or reputation of specific Nordic countries with the aid of gender equality as a political and symbolic value inevitably help to reinforce already established global hierarchies where the Nordics play the role of moral superpower. This book comprises scholars from various fields of specialisation, and provides evidence and understanding for the growing interaction between gender-equality policies and nation-branding in all five Nordic countries. It does so by exploring a variety of policy fields and issues including women’s rights, foreign policy, rape and legislation, female quotas and business policies, in addition to the index industry. The rise of the global indexes has reproduced forceful images of the Nordic countries as frontrunners of gender equality, which indeed help the Nordic countries to further position themselves as ‘best at being good’. This book will be of great interest to students and scholars of Nordic gender equality in political science, sociology, law, criminology, political psychology and history, as well as those interested in nation branding, Nordic studies and exceptionalism.

Human Arenas Doi: https://doi.org/10.1007/s42087-021-00208-z

Traumatology Doi: https://doi.org/10.1037/trm0000356

Transitioning to peace. Promoting global social justice and non-violence Doi: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-77688-6_9

Political Psychology Doi: https://doi.org/10.1111/pops.12727

Human Arenas Doi: https://doi.org/10.1007/s42087-020-00177-9

The Journal of Social and Political Psychology 9(2) s. 623-636 Doi: https://doi.org/10.5964/jspp.7549

Empowerment is a prominent concept in psychology, and for decades, it has been a key term in global development policy, theory, and practice. However, in line with similar turns toward individualism in psychology, the prevalent understanding of the concept centers on individual capacity to change circumstances, with less focus on empowerment as a context-dependent or communal approach. In this article, adopting decolonial feminist psychology as a lens, we analyze how rural Malawians make meaning of the overarching empowerment and development approach of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) working in their villages, and how they perceive the approaches as fitting with local contexts. When development implementers largely ignore Malawi’s communal lifestyle, individualized empowerment initiatives can lead to individual and communal disempowerment and distress. Given psychology’s large influence on other arenas, and psychology’s implication with the individualized gender-development-empowerment nexus, we argue that it is imperative to explore the effects and experiences of this empowerment approach in different contexts. A more context-appropriate understanding of empowerment—as with most other psychological concepts—is needed.

Routledge Doi: https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003017134

Learning Organization 28(2) Doi: https://doi.org/10.1108/TLO-05-2020-0103

Gender Equality and Nation Branding in the Nordic Region Doi: https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003017134-3

Human Arenas Doi: https://doi.org/10.1007/s42087-021-00230-1

Conducting a multi-sited psychology study on how Malawian participants perceive Western-oriented non-governmental organizations’ (NGOs) gendered development approaches, it became apparent that perceptions of ufiti (the Malawian term for what loosely translates as witchcraft in English)—and its gendered inclination—was highly relevant. As in many parts of the world, people in Malawi may relate themselves and their social world in connection to spiritual and supernatural dimensions, manifested in practices and discourses often closely linked to communal norms and values. Many international NGOs in Malawi run individualized development initiatives, often particularly focusing on women and girls’ personal empowerment. When local communal ways of experiencing and knowing are not taken account for in the NGOs’ interventions, this indiviualized approach can spur interpersonal resentment, and in worst-case ufiti assaults. This article explores the link between individualized development incentives and perceptions of ufiti. Using decolonial and feminist cultural psychology as a lens, we ask how the individualized focus of the NGOs plays out in Malawi, and what negative and unintended consequences individualized interventions can lead to. Our results indicate the need for contextually grounded and informed development approaches, to avoid that effort to empower individual women and girls lead to their disempowerment, social disruption, and ufiti accusations and assaults. The article speaks to the need for decolonial and feminist cultural psychological approaches that consider subjective intentional worlds.

Internasjonal Politikk Doi: https://doi.org/10.23865/intpol.v79.3147

Researching Peace, Conflict, and Power in the Field. s. 29-48

Springer Nature

Internasjonal Politikk 78(3) s. 397-410 Doi: https://doi.org/10.23865/INTPOL.V78.2557

Hvordan håndterer Norge sin militæraktivisme og sitt NATO-medlemskap når landet vil presentere seg selv som en fredsnasjon? Problemstillingen ble aktuell i det norske utenriksdepartementets nylige kampanje for å få Norge valgt inn i FNs sikkerhetsråd, hvor ideen om Norge som fredsnasjon stod sentralt. I denne artikkelen bruker vi nasjonsbranding som et analytisk rammeverk for å forstå hvordan Norge bygget opp sin kampanje som fredsnasjon og håndterte det konkurrerende narrativet om sin rolle i krig. Som et sekundærfokus ser vi også på hvordan Norges to konkurrenter, Irland og Canada, fremstilte seg på disse to dimensjonene – som er av særinteresse da Irland ikke er NATO-medlem. For å utforske disse spørsmålene analyserer vi taler og tekster fra det norske diplomatiet og regjeringen vedrørende kampanjen, samt ser på kampanjematerialet til de tre landene. Gitt at de tre landenes profil er påfallende lik, fant vi at alle måtte forsøke å finne en måte å brande seg på som uttrykket ens særtrekk og høynet ens relevans i sammenligning med de to andre landene. I analysen av Norge ser vi at militæraktivisme stadig ble hvisket ut i løpet av den norske kampanjen og at andre tematikker ble brukt i brandingen – som for eksempel likestilling og bidrag til internasjonal utvikling. Dette skulle dermed skulle legitimere ideen om fredsnasjonen Norge, et land som alle andre kan stole på.

The Social Psychology of Collective Victimhood s. 421-440

Springer Nature

The Journal of Social and Political Psychology 7(2) s. 997-1020 Doi: https://doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v7i2.869

A Sudanese Revolution overthrew the sitting regime in 2019, and a transitional government is in place. This article explores Sudanese respondents’ take on how the former regime managed to stay in power for so long. The National Congress Party in Sudan held on to power for three decades against all odds after taking over in a coup in 1989. Widely unpopular, the regime relied on repression and coercive tactics to stay in power. Based on interview data from three locations in Sudan 2011 and 2012, respondents’ accounts of the NCP leadership strategies for staying in power are explored in this article. The interview data speaks to two highly intertwined processes. First, to the mobilisation of support from those the government needed in key positions around the country, in the elite, and the security forces. Second, the data speaks to the demobilisation of people in general. Respondents point at five strategies deployed by the NCP to stay in power: Creating a secure repressive base; divide and rule strategies; controlling the media; creating a confusing and closed system and, lastly, not pushing people too far. For each tactic, it seems the regime attempted to demobilise people at large, but also tried to mobilise those it needed. These five strategies are in this study seen in light of leadership, identities and collective action, and the analysis emphasises agency through the concepts of group efficacy and illiberal statebuilding. The study contributes to developing a psychology of demobilisation as it explores the attempted hindering of collective action. Exploring these issues in a non-Western conflict case like Sudan is a particularly important addition to understanding leadership demobilisation in conflict settings. Seeing this in light of the more recent processes of people’s power in Sudan makes it even more relevant.

Peace and Conflict: The Journal of Peace Psychology 25(1) s. 86-99 Doi: https://doi.org/10.1037/pac0000334

International Journal of Intercultural Relations 70(May) s. 67-77 Doi: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijintrel.2019.03.002

Western therapeutic methods have increasingly been implemented in non-Western contexts as treatment for traumatic stress reactions. There is a growing awareness of the need for such implementations to incorporate cultural specificity, and discussions are needed on the suitability of Western psychological approaches and theories in different parts of the world. The objective of this paper is to explore the intercultural applicability of trauma treatment through a case study in Sudan. We look at how Western methods are applied and potentially modified in Sudan to fit social-cultural realities – and how specific contexts affects treatments. Such data from a non-Western context is invaluable to the discussion of transcultural aspects of mental health care. This paper presents interview data, where counsellors in a trauma centre in Sudan were asked how they are implementing Western methods, and how these treatments are negotiated and potentially modified to fit the context. The interviewed counsellors emphasise the contextual factors influencing the treatment and the need to modify therapeutic methods to the specific cultural setting. Three themes are discussed: stigma towards mental health and sexual assaults; the negotiation of treatment alongside traditional healers; and the modification of treatments to the cultural context. The findings suggest that although Western methods can be useful in non-Western settings, these need to be carefully modified to the context as well as to each individual client. The study offers valuable insights into such modifications.

Speilvendt 2

Political Psychology 38(6) s. 925-942 Doi: https://doi.org/10.1111/pops.12378

Identity Revisited and Reimagined. Empirical and Theoretical Contributions on Embodied Communication Across Time and Space s. 169-186 Doi: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-58056-2_8

Kommunikasjon og konflikthåndtering i operativt politiarbeid: Sosialpsykologiske perspektiver s. 71-110

Understanding Peace and Conflict Through Social Identity Theory s. 199-213 Doi: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-29869-6_13

Peace and Conflict: The Journal of Peace Psychology 22(4) s. 318-328 Doi: https://doi.org/10.1037/pac0000223

Research has demonstrated that recategorization—emphasizing a common ingroup over subordinate groups—can influence perceptions of ingroup boundaries, and reduce intergroup bias and intergroup conflict. Few studies look at recategorization processes in real-life non-Western conflict contexts. Whether recategorization is a realistic approach in real-life conflict has been debated. This study offers an empirical analysis of a recategorization process implemented in Zanzibar, looking at the political and social processes that took place in recent years between the 2 main political groups: incumbent Chama Cha Mapinduzi and opposition Civic United Front. The main objective of this study is to understand Zanzibaris’ own explanations of what enabled (or hindered) the dual recategorization. Through qualitative analysis of semistructured interviews (N = 68) with respondents from the general population and political elites, 3 main themes were identified explaining why changes in categorization came about: the emphasis of a common outgroup (mainland Tanzania), the role of the leadership of both groups in reconstructing group members’ identities, and the shared cultural, social, and national identity in Zanzibar. The interaction between these themes is crucial. The role of leadership—largely overlooked in recategorization research—is specifically discussed. This study emphasizes the acute contextuality of recategorization, and highlights both the positive potential and the vulnerability of the framework in a non-Western conflict setting.

Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy (ASAP) 16(1) s. 325-359 Doi: https://doi.org/10.1111/asap.12097

Journal of Eastern African Studies 9(1) s. 91-109 Doi: https://doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2014.985357

Zanzibari social relations were long characterised by disruption and antagonism around election time, between followers of the incumbent Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) and opposition party Civic United Front (CUF). In November 2009, with a top-level political meeting between the leaders of CUF and CCM, this started to change. Based on field interviews and observations, this article argues that Zanzibari politics – over the period from July 2009 to November 2010 – moved from a hostile and polarised political environment, via a limbo period, to a widely supported reconciliation process, and that over these three phases, intergroup relations changed. Using social identity theory, we argue that the shared Zanzibari identity increased in salience, and intergroup animosity decreased, a process likened to the social psychological dual recategorisation. Second, reasons for this change in intergroup relations are discussed, comparing this recent process to former failed peace processes, stressing shared goals, intergroup communalities, leadership dialogue and cooperation, and focus on the superordinate identity. The material demonstrates that elite-led political discourse can increase or decrease political tension and thus initiate social identity transformation. We argue that this process further created room for the peaceful 2010 elections and the establishment of the current Zanzibar Government of National Unity.

The Journal of Social and Political Psychology 2(1) Doi: https://doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v2i1.291

End-of-term Research Seminar

The Narrative Matters Conference

Social Psychological Review Doi: https://doi.org/10.53841/bpsspr.2023.25.1.9

Annual conference

The Cultural and Community Psychology Group's Monthly Meetings

Societal Psychology Group Meeting

nordics.info

Annual conference

Annual conference

Civita.no

Morgenbladet 198(5) s. 28-29

Verden med Trump foredragsserie UiO/ SV fak

Hva skjer når USAs mektigste mann spiller på frykt og følelse av avmakt?Hvordan blir det når mennesker utestenges og marginaliseres og det skapes avstand mellom «oss» og «dem»? Innlederne tar for seg politisk ledelse og strategier fra et psykologisk perspektiv og ser på menneskerettighetsbrudd og internasjonale forpliktelser i en verden med Trump.

Pecha kutcha

Et politisk-psykologisk blikk på verden med Trump. I serien: Verden med Trump.

Politisk psykologi-seminar

The Conflict in South-Sudan: A Closer Look at Social Identities and Psychological Fieldwork

Beyond North and South Constructing Global Governance for the 21st Century

Small Group Meeting: New directions in the social psychology of solidarity

Vårt land

Bistandsaktuelt

Kompetansesenter for distriktutvikling

Impuls : Tidsskrift for psykologi s. 24-42